Posts Tagged ‘rape cases in India’

American hitchhiker gang raped in India

June 5, 2013

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NEW DELHI:An American woman was gang-raped in the northern Indian resort town of Manali,police said.

Three men in a truck picked up the 30-year-old woman as she was hitchhiking to her guest house after visiting a friend,police officer Sher Singh said.

The men drove to a secluded spot and raped her,he said. She went to police and they filed a rape case.

Authorities issued an alert for the three men and set up roadblocks to check any trucks leaving the town,he said. No arrests had been made as of Tuesday afternoon,Singh said.

The rape came after a Swiss tourist was gang-raped in March while on a cycling trip through rural India. Six men were arrested in that attack.

The same month,a British woman traveling elsewhere in northern India jumped from a third-floor window fearing a sexual attack after the hotel’s owner tried to force his way into her room.

Concern about sexual assaults in India has heightened since the fatal gang-rape of a woman in New Delhi in December sparked public protests demanding better protection for women.

In response,the government passed a law increasing prison terms for rape and providing for the death penalty in cases of rape that result in death or leave the victim in a coma.

It also made voyeurism,stalking,acid attacks and the trafficking of women punishable under criminal law.

The Amazing Indian Army

January 17, 2013

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Though western media have a soft corner for India,as they consider it a largest democracy of the world and a secular state,reports abound that India’s security forces use torture and rape as a weapon to punish,intimidate,humiliate and degrade the victims in Kashmir and elsewhere in India. The pattern of Army’s misconduct is also glaringly observed when contingent of Indian army performs duties as UN peacekeeping mission abroad. In Congo, army personnel raped women that resulted in unlawful pregnancies. Twelve officers and thirty-nine soldiers were probed in Meerut,Uttar Pradesh,India,for sexually abusing the local women and for having fathered children while on UN peacekeeping mission in Congo in 2008. UN Commission found DNA evidence of children born to Congo women,having distinct Indian features. UN authorities are putting pressure on Indian Government to investigate the issue. Unfortunately Indian media insinuated Pakistani spy agency “ISI” to protect a career officer of Indian Army employed as Instructor in Bangladesh Staff College who was caught with his pants down with a Bangladeshi woman by some vigilant eye of camera.

The Indian soldiers had exploited the war torn women of Congo,and sexual abuse cases reached into hundreds. These girls and women were raped either through coercion or under deceit of food items and Indian-made cosmetics. Indian brigade commander in Congo accused Pakistani soldiers of such violations to avert the blame. UN authorities ordered DNA tests. UN authorities informed Indian government and asked for legal proceeding against these officers and soldiers. Indian efforts of accusing Pakistani soldiers were refuted due to DNA test. Following the allegations,the regiment in which the officers and soldiers were serving was recalled from the Congo and attached to the Western Command headquarters. Earlier too,there have been allegations of sexual abuse and graft against Indian Army officers and soldiers serving in UN missions in the Congo. In March 2008,three officers were charged with sexual abuse of a local woman while on a holiday in South Africa. In 2007,there were allegations that some of the Indian peacekeepers had exchanged food and information with the locals for obtaining gold from rebels in North Kivu in the Congo.

However,there is no parallel to the atrocities perpetrated on Kashmiris in Indian Held Kashmir where Indian soldiers’ stories of rape and murder abound. In order to suppress the freedom movement in IOK Indian Army used religious prejudice and hatred against Muslims while using rape as a weapon against Kashmiri women,whereas the Indian authorities turned a blind to their heinous crimes. Hence,the habitual criminals not only got away with their crime against Muslim women in IOK but also got promotions and postings of their choices. Rape by Army officers/soldiers was taken as part of accepted military norm/culture. On 29th May,2009,two girls Aasiya and Neelofar were reportedly raped and murdered by Indian soldiers in Shopian. The government almost shelved the case after the concocted inquiry report stated that Aasiya slipped and fell in the ravine and Neelofar tried to save her,but both drowned in the ravine. On 29th May 2011,a complete shutdown was observed in Shopian town in Indian occupied Kashmir to mark the second anniversary of rape and murder of two Kashmiri women,Aasiya and Neelofar by Indian soldiers.

With the release of its 2009 country report on India,the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) had placed India on its “Watch List” in August 2009. USCIRF said India earned the Watch List designation due to the disturbing increase in communal violence against religious minorities – specifically Christians in Orissa in 2008 and Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 – and the largely inadequate response from the Indian government to protect the rights of religious minorities. “It is extremely disappointing that India,which has a multitude of religious communities,has done so little to protect and bring justice to its religious minorities” said Leonard Leo,USCIRF chair. “USCIRF’s India chapter was released in August 2009 to mark the first anniversary of the anti-Christian violence in Orissa.” In 2008 in Orissa,the murder of Swami Saraswati by Maoist rebels in Kandhamal sparked a prolonged and destructive campaign targeting Christians in Orissa,resulting in attacks against churches and individuals. But the West rather played down the gory incident.

Nevertheless,some human rights organizations have been exposing Indian soldiers and officers involved in sex scandals and rapes. Since the Indian government crackdown against Kashmiris in the disputed territory of Kashmir began in earnest in January 1990,after Kashmiris had started struggle in 1989. Rape by Indian security forces most often occurs during crackdowns,cordon-and-search operations during which men are held for identification in parks or schoolyards while security forces search their homes. In these situations,the security forces frequently engage in collective punishment against the civilian population by assaulting residents and burning their homes. Rape has also occurred frequently during reprisal attacks on civilians. Women who are the victims of rape are often stigmatised,and their testimony and integrity impugned. Social attitudes which cast the woman and not her attacker,as the guilty party often enjoys clout with the judiciary,making rape cases difficult to prosecute and leaving women unwilling to press charges.

According to a 1994 United Nations publication from 1990 to 1996,882 women were reportedly gang-raped by security forces in Jammu and Kashmir. A study done by Medecins Sans Frontieres in mid-2005 revealed that Kashmiri women we among the worst sufferers of sexual violence in the world. It further mentioned at since the beginning of the armed struggle in Kashmir in 1989,sexual violence was routinely perpetrated on Kashmiri women,with 11.6 per cent of respondents saying they were victims of sexual abuse. Interestingly,the figure is much higher than that of Sierra Leone,Sri Lanka and Chechnya. UNO had accused Indian army in writing of rape of Congolese women by its officers and soldiers. Previously such accusations were raised by Kashmiri and Indian minorities but were never listened to. Nobody sympathized with innocent women of Kashmir and minorities whose honor was targeted deliberately by Indian army personnel. International media withheld such news of rape and murder because the West has interest in the market of plus one-billion population.

In Sri Lanka

The IPKF was soon to earn the acronym – Innocent People Killing Force and a series of encounters will remind Jaffna Tamils how wonderful India had treated the Tamil people. Indian reply by Brig Kahlon for rape charges were “the Indian army are not angels….rape happens even in the West”. These are just a few of the examples of IPKF’s war crimes in Sri Lanka against the Tamil people India is now so concerned about.

  • 12 October 1987 – IPKF attacks village of Kokuvil killing over 40 civilians’ in retaliation for loosing 29 Indian commandoes at the Jaffna University raid.
  • 21 October 1987 – Deepavali,68 innocent Tamils shot and killed by IPKF inside Jaffna Hospital including hospital doctors,nurses,staff and patients. Dr. Sivapathasuntharan who entered the hospital the next day was also killed by the IPKF.
  • 21 November 1987 – Trincomalee,a IPKF soldier kills 7 civilians and injures 4 by indiscriminate firing.
  • August 1989 – Velvettiturai,64 Sri Lankan Tamil civilians killed by the IPKF.
  • More than a 100 Tamil civilian bodies were found in Chunnakam,Mallakam,Uduvil,Manipay,Maruthanamadam and Inuvil – all deaths attributed to the IPKF.
  • Amnesty International Report 1988 (Jan-Dec 1987) quotes local magistrate in North Sri Lanka finding seven cases of rape by IPKF. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA37/030/1990/en/1520f8d1-17d4-…
  • A book on India’s war crimes against Tamil civilians was released in April 2011 in New Delhi titled “In the Name of Peace:IPKF Massacres of Tamils in Sri Lanka” documented by the Northeast Secretariat on Human Rights (NESoHR) and published by the Delhi Tamil Students Union. The book covers 12 massacres committed by the IPKF.

We do not deny the cultural affinities shared between India and Sri Lanka,we do not deny the close ties that have existed over centuries but inspite of such ties India has gone on to commit the unthinkable upon a nation that has done India no harm.

Indian atrocities in Kashmir

“As the conflict in Kashmir enters its fourth year,central and state authorities have done little to stop the widespread practice of rape by Indian security forces in Kashmir. Indeed,when confronted with the evidence of rape,time and again the authorities have attempted to impugn the integrity of the witnesses,discredit the testimony of physicians or simply deny the charges everything except order a full inquiry and prosecute those responsible for rape”.
(Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights,May 09,1993)


“Since January 1990,rape by Indian occupation forces has become more frequent. Rape most often occurs during crackdowns,cordon and search operations during which men are held for identification in parks or schoolyards while security forces search their homes. In raping them,the security forces are attempting to punish and humiliate the entire community.”
(‘Pain in Kashmir:A Crime of War’issued jointly by Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights,May 09,1993)

“By beginning TV cameras and prohibiting the presence in Kashmir of the International Red Cross and of human rights organization,the Indian authorities have tried to keep Kashmir out of the news.”
(`Kashmiri crisis at the flash point’,The Washington Times,by columnist Cord Meyer,April 23,1993)

“(On February 23,1991),at least 23 women were reportedly raped in their homes at gunpoint (at Kunan Poshpora in Kashmir). Some are said to have been gang-raped,others to have been raped in front of their children …The youngest victim was a girl of 13 named Misra,the oldest victim,name Jana,was aged 80″.
(Amnesty International,March 1992)

“The most common torture methods are severe beatings,sometimes while the victim is hung upside down,and electric shocks. People have also been crushed with heavy rollers,burned,stabbed with sharp instruments,and had objects such as chilies or thick sticks forced into their rectums. Sexual mutilation has been reported”.
(Amnesty International,March 1992)

“The worst outrages by the CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force) have been frequent gang rapes of all women in Muslim villages,followed by the execution of the men”.
(Eric Margolis,The Ottawa Citizen,December 8,1991)

“While army troops dragged men from their homes for questioning in the border town of Kunan Pushpura,scores of women say they were raped by soldiers….a pregnant Kashmiri woman,who was raped and kicked,gave birth to a son with a broken arm.”
(Melinda Liuin,Newsweek,June 24,1991)
[Anthony Wood and Ron MaCullagh of the Sundav Observer (June 02,1992) estimated that over 500 Indian army men were involved in this orgy of rape and plunder in Kunan Pushpura.]

“The security forces have entered hospitals,beaten patients,hit doctors,entered operating theaters,smashed instruments. Ambulances have been attacked,curfew passes are confiscated.”
(Asia Watch,May 1991)

“Subjugated,humiliated,tortured and killed by the 650,000-strong Indian army,the people of Kashmir have been living through sheer hell for more than a year,the result of an increasingly brutal campaign of state repression. India hides behind its carefully-crafted image of “non-violence”and presents itself in international forums as a model of democracy and Pluralism. Yet,it is unable to stand up the scrutiny of even its admirers. All journalists,especially television crews,were expelled from the Valley. With no intrusive cameras to record the brutalities of the Indian forces,the world has been kept largely in the dark.” (The Toronto Star,January 25,1991)

“Young girls were now being raped systematically by entire (Indian) army units rather than by a single soldier as before. Girls are taken to soldier’s camps and held naked in their tents for days on end. Many never return home….Women are strung up naked from trees and their breast lacerated with knives,as the (Indian) soldiers tell them that their breast will never give milk again to a newborn militant. Women are raped in front of their husbands and children,or paraded naked through villages and beaten on the breasts.”
(The Independent,September 18,1990)

Atrocities will further fuel Naxalism

Praful Bidwai

The killing of 20 civilians by the Central Reserve Police Force in Bijapur in Central India’s Chhattisgarh will go down as a black mark in the history of Indian counter -insurgency. All evidence suggests that the CRPF gravely mistook a village meeting to plan a seed festival for a Maoist gathering and indiscriminately fired on it.

Among the victims were two 15-year-old boys,a 12-year-old girl,and a professional drum player -hardly fit to be confused for armed Naxalites. Although the CRPF troops’bullet injuries remain unexplained,and four of those killed allegedly had police records,nothing suggests that Maoists ambushed the troops,who then fired in self-defence.

Even firing in self-defence cannot be indiscriminate. Besides,there’s evidence of sexual assault and mutilation of dead bodies. This suggests collective punishment -which is categorically unacceptable.

Equally deplorable is the butchery’s rationalisation that the CRPF has no “system of segregating”guerrillas from civilians during gunfights,and Chief Minister Raman Singh’s argument that Maoists use civilians as human shields,and are responsible for their deaths.

However,the present case appears less an instance of unintended damage than deliberate targeting. The attacking party followed the “fire-first-and-ask-questions-later”approach.

The incident emphasises the growing disconnect between the people and counterinsurgency troops,who have no comprehension of their language,culture and sensitivities,and whom they often consider inferior

In Chhattisgarh,Adivasi identities,rooted in an ancient civilisation,remain strong. It is only since the 1980s that they have been exposed to large-scale intrusion by external predatory interests like forest contractors and the mining mafia. The tribals have over the years lost land and access to forests.

The state fails to comprehend this as it pushes destructive mining and industrial projects,thus increasing the Adivasis’alienation. It hasn’t even invested a fraction of what it spends on the paramilitary forces in addressing Adivasi grievances or helping its counterinsurgency troops understand the roots of tribal alienation amidst which Maoism thrives.

E.N. Rammohan -a distinguished former Border Security Force chief with much counterinsurgency experience -puts his finger on the nub:”Give land to the tiller and forests back to the tribals. Plus,bring down the vast gap between the rich and the poor� and the Maoists would be on the wane.”

In Bijapur,the CRPF was in the first place wrong to open fire. The proper objective of a counterinsurgency operation is not to kill rebels,but to bring them to justice by establishing their culpability for specific crimes,and to isolate them politically from the population.

This civilian butchery has created fear and insecurity among the people. Many are planning to move out of their villages into neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. It will take generations for their scars to heal.

Politically,the incident is a huge victory for the Maoist argument that the Indian state is irredeemably anti-people and brutal. Democracy is a mere fa�ade. It must be overthrown through an armed revolution.

The only way to redeem this situation is to award exemplary punishment to those responsible for the killings. India has paid a heavy price for not bringing the culprits of past counterinsurgency excesses to book.

Take the Chittisingpura massacre of 2000,in which 36 Sikhs were killed. Indian military forces killed five innocent locals at Pathribal in Anantnag district,claiming they were the culprits. Their bodies were dressed up in military uniforms and set on fire in an extraordinarily shoddy cover-up attempt. Officers were decorated and monetarily rewarded for this heinous crime. They compounded their offence by substituting the victims’DNA samples with fake ones.

The incident still rankles in Kashmir. Yet,nobody has been put on trial for it -although the Supreme Court has strongly refuted the army’s misguided invocation of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act to reject that demand.

The latest Chhattisgarh killings raise serious questions about the anti-Maoist campaign underway in nine states. It has come in for scathing criticism from an Expert Group of the Planning Commission.

The Group holds:”The methods chosen by the government to deal with the Maoist phenomenon [have] increased the people’s distrust of the police and consequent unrest. Protest against police harassment is itself a major instance of unrest frequently leading to further violence by the police� which in effect triggers a second round of the spiral.”

In many parts of India,the state has been captured by the rich or become dysfunctional and predatory upon the people. Notes the Expert Group:”One of the attractions of the Naxalite movement is that it does provide protection to the weak against the powerful.. One doesn’t have to romanticise the Maoists to recognise this.

Green Hunt only pays lip service to the official “two-pronged”approach of “development”and “law-and-order,”or simultaneously redressing popular grievances and using force. In practice,it overwhelmingly relies on brute force without recognising that the insurgency feeds on Adivasi dispossession and brutalisation.

The official premise that Maoism is India’s “greatest internal security threat”is profoundly mistaken. The Maoists aren’t about to capture power or destroy India’s unity. They pose a civil law-and-order problem,which should be tackled by normal police methods -good intelligence-gathering,crime control,painstaking evidence collection,and prosecution of those instigating or practising violence.

By contrast,social cohesion is gravely threatened by the communal Right,including the Bharatiya Janata Party and its associates,some of whom have embraced terrorism,but against whom the Indian state doesn’t act.

The state must heed the counsel of counterinsurgency experts like Robert Thompson. “Hardly,if ever,has a counter-insurgency campaign been won strictly by waging war. Military action has an important role in overcoming guerrillas,but the philosophy espoused by the guerrillas must also be defeated and this requires a well-reasoned combination of political reform,civic action and education of the population.”

As Mr. Rammohan puts it,a counterinsurgency operation must be “scrupulously legal.”This is a precondition for its popular acceptance,and also for the state’s legitimacy. When will India’s rulers learn this?

Atrocities on Sikh Women in Punjab

“If any action occurs in this village,every single male is going to be taken out and shot. Then we’re going to take all the women to our camp and there we’re going to create a new breed for Punjab.”

Brig. RP Sinha addressing assembled Sikh villagers on March 8,1991,International Women’s Day

And this was the way International Women’s Day was celebrated in Punjab. The untold story of the Sikh Resistance Movement is the story of Sikh women. It is a feature of Punjabi culture that atrocities on women are rarely reported and remain hidden. Families feel ashamed to speak of the treatment women received at the hands of Indian Security Forces,but this story must be told.

Role of Sikh Women in the Movement

Many Sikh women participated in the Sikh resistance movement as fighters. Like their sisters from past ages,Sikh women joined their brothers in the fight for freedom. Many brave Singhnees fought side by side with their Singhs and attained Shaheedee. The examples of Shaheeds Bhai Harvinderjit Singh Taini Babbar and Bibi Manjeet Kaur Babbar (their story will be posted later),Bhai Pritpal Singh and Bibi Harjeet Kaur,etc,are notable.

Sikh women often worked as messengers for Sikh Resistance groups as well as preparing hideouts and serving tired Sikh fighters.

But unfortunately,many Sikh women were also the target of the bloody thirsty Indian Security forces. Sikh women were ruthlessly tortured,not only physically but also mentally. They were used as tools to force the surrender of Sikh fighters who were their relatives and also as a means of humiliating families. When Sikh women were arrested with their husbands,the husbands were often forced to watch the rape of their wives. Rape was used as an interrogation tool.

Humiliation:A common form of torture used on Sikhs

The Indian Forces also began a program of “shudhee karan”,which was a code name for the rape of Sikh women. They joked that the offspring of their rapes would change the genetic makeup of the Sikh community and they would kill the Resistance in this way. Many rape victims took their own lives,unable to live with the ongoing humiliation at the hands of the Indian police.

The first example of the atrocities heaped upon Sikh women is that of Bibi Amandeep Kaur.

Shaheed Bibi Amandeep Kaur

Bibi Amandeep Kaur

Bibi Amandeep Kaur was the sister of Bhai Harpinder Singh Goldy aka. Pamma of the Khalistan Commando Force. She was only twenty when she was arrested,tortured,raped and then killed by the Punjab Police.

Bibi Amandeep Kaur,before her Shaheedee was on the run but had the courage to tell her story to human rights workers.

Here is her story in her own words,shortly before she was murdered [I have divided the sections for easier reading]:

Marriage &Arrest

“Jaswinder Singh Sraa son of Surjeet Singh of Jassowal village Ludhiana dst. Was born and brought up on the UK. He presently lives in Mississauga Canada.

He came to India on October 12,1991 for marriage on October 24th. We along with my father Jaswant Sngh,village Headman Bhag Singh and Member of Panchyaat Meet Singh went to the office of the sub-registrar,Rampura Phul,for registration of the marriage. As we came out of the courtroom,the SHO of Phul,picked up three of us,me,my husband and my father. We were taken to Phul Police Station where SSP Kahlon,SP Mohkam Singh,DSP Aulah and SP of Operations were present.

Inhuman Torture

The SSP on seeing us,promptly ordered that my two male relations be stripped naked in my presence. He then took out the picture of his slain son and addressing them remarked that he had taken the revenge for the murder (by dishonouring me,the sister of an underground Sikh activist).

Kahlon then started abusing my husband and father. He took hold of a lathi to beat the two. It was then the turn of his subordinates who beat us with their leather belts. The SSP ordered that my husband and father slap each other.

After this cruel exercise,we were blindfolded. I was relieved of my two wedding rings,a pair of ear-rings and one golden chain. From my husband,the SSP snatched $500 and a bracelet of 3.5 tolas and his wedding ring. My father was similarly robbed of Rs. 2500. I and my husband were put into our van PCL-8433. We heard the SSP directing his staff to set our house on fire and bring the wife and younger daughter of Jaswant Singh (my mother and sister) to the police station for similar treatment.

After Kahlon left,we were brought back to the police station. While my husband and father were put in the lock-up,I was kept out for maltreatment [i.e. for sexual assault].

Early next morning we three were taken to Sardulgarh by our van. On October 27,my mother Surjeet Kaur was brought to us. She told us her story of dishonour [rape],torture and maltreatment. She was kept in a Rampura police station and at the head office of CIA Bathinda.

In our absence,the police from Rampura Phul ransacked our house and removed all our belongings. The village panchayat was not let anywhere near the house. No seizure report was prepared and handed over to the panchayat or anyone else.

12 Days of Terror

I,my mother and father were kept in Sardulgarh police station for 12 days. But my husband was moved to Phul police station on October 29. The SSP was present there. He ordered my husband’s release on October 30,telling him to forget about his marriage to me and leave India immediately,which he did the next day. In the meantime,the village panchayat came to know of our detention at Sardulgarh and they came there to rescue us but we were removed stealthily to Boha police station.

At Boha,I was not given even water for washing under SSP’s order. We were maltreated there [the woman was reluctant to give details of the mistreatment].

After eight days,the three of us were removed from Boha to CIA Bathinda. My mother and I were released from three weeks of illegal detention. My father was kept in CIA Bathinda and at Phul and was produced in a court on November 30. A case was registered against him.

KP Gill ‘Helpless’

While we were in custody,Jaswinder Singh,who happens to be brother of my father,telephoned DGP KP Gill at telephone No. 753-546840 requesting him to intervene but Gill told him that Kahlon did not listen to his advice.

We have learnt that the SSP had picked us up because on October 23,1991,some millitants had abducted six traders of Phul and the police suspected my 16-year-old brother Harpinder Singh Goldy aka. Pamma’s hand in the abduction. My brother had gone underground in the wake of police harassment in August 1991 when he was studying in class 10 + 1 .

I have gone underground to escape further humiliation and torture because the SSP Harkishan Kahlon is after me,for unknown reasons. Because of the “treatment”given to my husband,he has left me and does not wish to keep me as his wife any longer.”

Shaheedee

Bibi Amandeep Kaur stayed in hiding until January 21 1992. The police then played a sinister game. They asked he to return to her house,returning all her property and insisted they would not harass her any more. They also bailed her father the day before. Jaswant Singh did not trust the police so he did not return home. Amandeep Kaur did. When her mother was out,two gun men with masked faces came on behalf of SSP Bathinda,Kahlon,and shot Bibi Amandeep Kaur dead on January 21st at 7:30pm.

Bhai Harpinder Singh Gold,brother of Bibi Amandeep Kaur,at age 18,also later sacrificed his life for the cause of Sikh freedom.

The Story of Bibi Gurmeet Kaur

Bibi Gurmeet Kaur was a student of the 10 grade at village Lehrkaa near Kathoo Nangal. Bibi Gurmeet Kaur and her older sister Bibi Parmjeet Kaur had gone to visit their father Swarn Singh and brother Satnam Singh who were in prison for giving shelter to Sikh Resistance fighters. They had returned home on April 21,1989 when the Indian police raided their home and arrested Bibi Parmjeet Kaur. The police told villagers that the Deputy Commissioner wanted to record her statement. Parmjeet Kaur was kept in custody one night and then returned home. Next Gurmeet Kaur was arrested and kept for two nights. She too was released but threatened with dire circumstances if she told what had happened to her. Gurmeet Kaur did not remain silent and recounted what had happened to her.

When Gurmeet Kaur was brought to the police station,she was stripped naked and tortured in the verandah of the police station in plain view of all the police officers. That night,the police blindfolded her and locked her in a room. In that room,drunken Indian Police officers took turns raping her. Gurmeet Kaur fell unconscious and when she woke the next morning,she found herself covered in blood and stark naked.

The next day,Gurmeet Kaur was tortured again. The perverse and twisted police officers went so far as to put salt and chili peppers into Gurmeet Kaur’s private parts.

On April 24,when Gurmeet Kaur was released,she could not walk. She was taken to hospital for treatment by the villagers.

Other Cases

These cases are not unique. Gang Rapes and humiliation were common in Punjab. 19 year old Baljeet Kaur,sister of Sikh fighter Bhai Gurjeet Singh was also gang raped. Bibi Rachhpal Kaur was arrested for no reason but for having caught the eye of the police party and On September 5,1989 was gang raped by the Kali Das Sharma and other police officers.

The story of the treatment of Sikh women at the hands of Indian Security Forces is a long and sad one. I don’t know which cases to highlight and which to leave. Should I write about Sarbjit Kaur (14) and Salwinder Kaur (13) who were abducted while collecting clay for a school project and then gang raped and killed by Indian Police? Or should I write about the seven-year-old daughter of a Singh who was molested and then dismembered by the Police’s Poohla Nang? The list is endless.

The abuse of Sikh women was and is widespread in Punjab. Mothers,wives and children of Sikh fighters were considered legitimate targets. The butchers who were responsible for these tragedies are still in the police force today. They are now high ranking officers. And the abuse continues…

“Now Get Your Khalistan…”

Victim of Police Torture

Bhai Nirvair Singh was the Granthi of Gurdwara Shaheedaa(n),Amritsar. Bhai Nirvair Singh’s younger brother,Bhai Kulwant Singh was a Sikh Resistance Fighter and the police constantly raided their home in search of him. Finally,unable to locate Kulwant Singh,SSP Azhar Alam and his “Black Cats” shot Bhai Nirvair Singh to death. Bhai Nirvair Singh’s wife,Bibi Manjit Kaur,was with him at the time and ran to save herself. The police caught Bibi Manjit Kaur and badly beat her with their rifle butts. They let her live,but her ordeal was far from over.

On May 5,1988,the police again raided the house. Bhai Nirvair Singh’s youngest brother,Bhai Dilbagh Singh,a Granthi at Gurdwara Baba Bakala,was home but hid himself,fearing for his life. The police spotted him and without any warning,shot him dead. Bibi Manjit Kaur was still in the house when the police entered and they immediately began to beat her. They grabbed her by her hair and dragged her to the fields where the Indian Police tortured her for an hour and a half. When Bibi Manjit Kaur was almost senseless,they threw her on top of Bhai Dilbagh Singh’s dead body and laughed,”Now get your Khalistan…”. Bibi Manjit Kaur’s feet were so swollen from the torture that she could not walk for days. Her scalp also oozed blood from the repeated blows. Villagers who were witness to this scene were also beaten and told to keep their mouths shut. Harassment of their family and relatives continued.

Azhar Alam

Today,Azhar Alam is a high ranking official in the Vigilance Bureau of the Punjab Police. The man responsible for the brutal torture of thousands of innocent Sikh men and women has not been charged with any crime.

Bibi Gurdev Kaur &Bibi Gurmeet Kaur

Perhaps the most brutal of all Indian Police officials in Punjab was Batala’s Gobind Ram. Gobind Ram took sadistic pleasure in personally torturing Sikh prisoners and kept a vat filled with feces and urine that he force-fed to amritdhari Sikhs while saying,”You have drunk the amrit of Gobind Singh,now drink the amrit of Gobind Ram.”

Gobind Ram’s atrocities came to light nationwide when he ordered the arrest of Bibi Gurdev Kaur (wife of Bhai Kulwant Singh Babbar) and Bibi Gurmeet Kaur (wife of Bhai Mehal Singh). Both Singhs were underground at the time.

On August 21,1989,a van with tinted windows came and parked in front of the Parbhat Finance Company,Amritsar,where both Singhnees worked. Six armed men got out of the van and approached Bibi Gurmeet Kaur and Bibi Gurdev Kaur,ordering them to get in the van. When the Bibis demanded to know who they were,one man identified himself as Lakhwinder Lakha,ASI. He said that the police party had come from Batala Sadr police station and they would have to come with him. When the Singhnees began to make a scene,the police threw them into the van. Bibi Gurmeet Kaur and Bibi Gurdev Kaur’s dastaars were ripped off and used to tie their arms and their kirpans were also taken off.

The van arrived at the notorious Beco Torture Centre in Batala at 7pm. When the Singhnees went inside,they saw SSP Gobind Ram beating a Sikh youth with a rod. When he saw the two women enter,he immediately came towards them and hit Gurdev Kaur in the stomach with his rod. Bibi Gurdev Kaur collapsed onto the ground and began to bleed from her private parts. The bleeding did not stop for several days. Gobind Ram kept hitting Bibi Gurdev Kaur in the stomach without saying a word for five minutes. He then gave the rod to another Inspector whom he ordered to hit Bibi Gurdev Kaur in the joints.

Gobind Ram next moved to Bibi Gurmeet Kaur whom he threw to the ground and began to kick in the chest. The next torture to begin was the “ghotna” where a heavy log is rolled on the thighs with men standing on top,which results in ripped muscles. In Bibi Gurdev Kaur’s own words,”Then they put a heavy roller on my thighs and made a few policemen stand on it,while others rotated it. I kept on screaming but they hit me with belts and kept on asking me the whereabouts of my husband Kulwant Singh.”

Both women were severely tortured for two days. Gobind Ram kept demanding to know where Bhai Kulwant Singh and Bhai Mehal Singh were. The Bibis kept repeating that they did not know,but Gobind Ram was not satisfied. They were tortured until they fell unconscious. They were then revived and tortured again.

When Bibi Gurdev Kaur was nearing her death,the police secretly took her to the government hospital and left her there. Gurmeet Kaur’s right leg was paralysed and both Singhnees had been kept awake since their arrest. Someone was called from the outside to massage their limbs so they could regain some sensation again. Both women could not walk but were forced to do so. In the hospital,a merciful lady doctor took care of Gurdev Kaur and also informed her family.

News of all this reached the media and all political religious and social organizations condemned Gobind Ram’s actions. When finally Gurmeet Kaur refused to hand over any Singh,she was threatened with being killed. By now though,because the press had gotten wind of the arrest,she was indicted in a false case and sent to jail. After some time,she too was released.

Because Bibi Gurdev Kaur received the best care possible,she was saved from death,but for the rest of her life she would face health problems.

Human Rights organizations condemned Gobind Ram for his brutal treatment of these two women. He claimed that no torture had occurred and both were kept in a “Guest House”. KP Gill,the Director General of Punjab Police announced,”the reports against SSP Batala,Gobind Ram by members of Panchyats and Sarpanches (community leaders) were false. There is no truth in them. This was propoganda against the police officers. This was verified after investigations. There were such reports against other honest and hardworking police officers [as well]”

When no action was taken against Gobind Ram,and he continued to torture and maim at will,the Singhs took it upon themselves to finish this rabid dog. Gobind Ram was killed on January 10,1990 in a massive bombing.

KP Gill:Super Cop or Sexual Predator?

KP Gill

KP Gill,ex-Director General of Punjab Police,is thought to have single handedly crushed the Khalistan movement in Punjab. He has been given the title of “Super Cop” by Indian media despite having unleashed a wave of terror on the Sikhs that was not even seen in the days of the Mughals. Torture methods were so grotesque and brutal that they cannot be described.

Gill was known to the Sikhs of Punjab as a drunk who also preyed on helpless women. Although Gill is proclaimed “Super Cop” in India and considered a great hero,the fact that he has been convicted for sexual assault is usually ignored.

In 1988,KP Gill was attending a party to celebrate Operation Black Thunder (an assault on Sree Darbaar Sahib Amrtisar). At this party,in plain view of all attendees,KP Gill sexually assaulted Indian Administrative Service officer Rupen Deol Bajaj. Bajaj was not helpless like most victims and instead of forgetting the incident,filed a police report.

Other officals spoke with Bajaj and asked her to withdraw the case since Gill was a hero in the fight against the Sikh Resistance but despite all this,she persisted. According to one report,”The government immediately took sides and tried to squelch or delay the court case. It also took petty action against Ms. Bajaj by making her a low-ranking official,stopping her mail,taking her off of mailing lists,removing her from government telephone books,etc”

Finally,in 1996,the butcher of Punjab,KP Gill was convicted of sexual assault. Though he was initially sentenced to three months in prison,the sentence was reduced to three years supervised probation (later further reduced to one year,un-supervised probation). He was also ordered to pay Rupen Deol Bajaj Rs. 2 lakh and pay Rs. 50 000 in legal expenses.

If a high ranking officer could not escape being a victim of Gill’s lust,what to say of the thousands of poor Sikh women kept in dark cells without any charges and without any rights? This is the character of India’s hero,KP Gill,”Super Cop”

And The Abuse Continues Today…

Some argue that in the turmoil of Punjab,perhaps some excesses were committed but times have changed. The Police have reformed and India now treats Sikhs fairly. A glance at the newspapers is enough to dispel that belief. The following story appeared in the Chandigarh Tribune on September 27,2003 http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030927/chd.htm

____________

Woman alleges inhuman torture by police

Our Correspondent

Karamjit Kaur shows injury marks on her leg. – Tribune photo by Pankaj Sharma

Chandigarh,September 26

An another incident of brutal torture came to light when a 20-year-old girl,Karamjit Kaur,who was rescued by the Warrant Officer of the Punjab and Haryana High Court,today alleged that she was subjected to inhuman treatment and was asked to remove her clothes by the Punjab Police personnel at a press conference organised by the NGO Lawyers for Human Rights International here today.

“Five persons including two women,who had been allegedly subjected to third degree torture for several days by the Punjab Police were rescued by the Warrant Officer of the Punjab and Haryana High Court yesterday. These five persons were suspected to be involved in a murder case by the police. The five persons who were released included – Karamjit Kaur,Tirath Kaur,Sahib Singh,Gurdev Singh and Gurmit Singh,” informed Mr Arunjeev Singh Walia,Press Secretary.

Showing torture marks on her body,the victim while addressing scribes,said she was detained at Nabha police station for several days and been tortured. She was even ordered to remove her clothes by police constables,the victim alleged.

Narrating her tale of woe,she said police constables,after taking liquor usually interrogated her in the midnight. Even if a woman constable was called most of the time she stayed outside the room during her interrogation. The victim further added that:”I can not reveal the details whatever happened to me was worse than a hell.”

She further added that “she was subjected to inhuman third degree torture twice by pulling her legs apart in 180 degree and also beaten up with an iron rod in between her legs and two police men putting pressure on that rod.

“I was also threatened of liquidation if I did not disclose the truth and was also molested by the policemen”,the victim further said. Similarly,her mother said:”It was difficult to see my husband,son and daughter to be subjected to third degree torture by the police.”

When contacted the SHO of the police station concerned denied that they were subjected to third degrees torture. He said that all five of them were called at police station only for a day. Thereafter they were not traceable.
The General Secretary of the NGO,Mr Navkiran Singh,who had moved a petition in the high court for the release of victims said a Warrant Officer had secured the release five victims from the illegal custody of police station Kotwali,Nabha,Patiala district on September 25. He also informed that the high court had also ordered the medical examination of the victims. The Chairman of the NGO,Mr Amar Singh Chahal,demanded a CBI inquiry into the case.

_______________

How many cases continue to go unreported?

The Khalsa once saved thousands of abducted Hindu women from being molested and sold by the Afghans. Why can’t we even save our own now? Our sisters continue to suffer in Punjab. And the Panth continues its long slumber…

A discussion on the atrocities Sikh women suffered in Punjab would not be complete without a discussion on what Sikh widows and their children continue to endure today. They have been forgotten by most in the Panth. Those Singhs that sacrificed their lives for the Sikh Cause must have thought that the Panth would take care of their families after they had been martyred. Sadly,this has not happened. And now,many say that no future generation will be willing to make the same sacrifices seeing the way families that were left behind in this chapter of the Sikh struggle continue to be neglected and live in poverty.

15-Year-Old Harpreet Kaur

By mid-1992,the Indian Police in Punjab had lost all sense of morality and considered human rights to be a joke. On June 25,1992,15-year-old Harpreet Kaur RaNo was stopped while riding her bicycle in Amritsar’s Ghio Mandi.

Harpreet Kaur was very interested in the Sikh struggle and used to consider the Sikh fighters her brothers. When the newspaper would print a notice about the Shahidi and bhog of a Sikh fighter,she would cut out their picture and keep it in her purse.

The police decided to search her purse. When the pictures were found,the excuse to arrest this young Sikh girl was found and she was taken directly to the famous torture center at BR Model School in Amritsar. She was put in the custody of Thanedar Darshan Lal who punished Harpreet Kaur for her “crime”. In that dark torture center,only Vahiguru knows what suffering and brutality Harpreet Kaur faced.

Despite her family’s best efforts to free her,the newspapers reported that Harpreet Kaur along with 3 other “terrorists” had been killed on June 27,1992 near Sultanvind. Her body was not given to the family. The family went to the cremation grounds at Durgiana Mandir and in one pile of ashes,Harpreet Kaur’s sister recognized a kaRa. The two sisters used to wear identical KaRas and the ashes were recognized as Harpreet Kaur’s. No justice was ever expected or delivered for this cold-blooded murder.

Final Wish…

Bibi Kulbir Kaur Dhami

Bibi Kulbir Kaur Dhami was kept in illegal custody by the Tarn Taran CIA staff for many months from 1993 to 1994. Miraculously,she survived. During that time she saw countless Singhs and Singhnees be tortured and then killed in fake encounters. In her own words,Bibi Kulbir Kaur recounts the final wish of one Bibi who was being taken to her death:

“Surinder Kaur was the principal of a Model School in Tarn Taran. Her school had approximately 400 children enrolled. Her husband was a former soldier and worked in a bank in Amritsar. It was perhaps July 1993 when he was arrested along with his wife and children and brought to the jail for having given shelter [to Sikh fighters]. With her was the son of a Pandit,Ramesh,who had become a Singh and had been arrested with his group [of fighters]. This group was tortured in front of us. They endured this cruelty for about a week and most of the group confessed to having participated in some actions,but this couple,[Bibi Surinder Kaur and her husband] were accused of having given the group shelter only.

Surinder Kaur kept begging that her body not be touched by any male police officer. She was kept with me for eight days in the women’s lockup. In front of me,she was interrogated four times a day. The male police officers would beat her with sticks and use the ghotna. Three or four policemen would stand on the ghotna. I myself saw them drag her around by the chest. This entire interrogation was conducted by SP Operation Khoobi Ram,DSP Gurmit Singh,Inspetor Ram Nath,and SI Tarlochan Singh. They are completely responsible for torturing and killing her (it’s another story that their orders were all coming from the top).

Four members of this group,along with Surinder Kaur’s husband were tortured for a week and then killed in a fake encounter which was reported to then newspapers. One of those was a police officer,Dalbir Singh,who had abandoned his job,but he was apparently spared. All this [the encounter] happened in front of him and he could be a witness.

At around 8pm,the police took Surinder Kaur away from me while beating her. Surinder Kaur was dragged away as she wept and called out my name. They threw her in a car. She was sobbing and screaming her final wish to me,”You have to take care of my child now…look after him…this is your responsibility now.” Surinder Kaur was killed that night. The police officials told me that she cried the entire time in the car and they told her to do paath after which they shot her. When she died,Surinder Kaur was wearing my suit and the police officials teased me that because my suit had gone in my place,I had been spared.”

Bibi Kulbir Kaur Dhami now runs the Gur Asra Trust for Sikh orphans in Mohali.

Widow of a “Terrorist”

The widows of Sikh “terrorists” have suffered terribly in the years since 1993. Widows like 18-year old Jasvir Kaur,who had been married to Sukhdev Singh Sukha of Babbar Khalsa International were forced by their poverty to marry much older men. Many began to do menial work to make ends meet.

The following interview appeared in “The Week”,a well known Indian Magazine on April 19,1998. Bibi Jasmeet Kaur is a Sikh hero. She was married to Bhai Satnam Singh Chheena of the Bhindranvala Tiger Force and was involved in the punishing of Comrade Hardev,a depraved police tout who was known to rape and kill with impunity.

Bhai Satnam Singh Chheena

INTERVIEW:JASMEET KAUR,WIDOW OF A TERRORIST

‘We feel abandoned by the community’

Jasmeet Kaur was widowed two years after she married Satnam Singh Chheena of the Bhindranwale Tigers Force of Khalistan in 1991. She lived underground for years,bore his two children while in hiding and is being tried in murder case. She is active in the Gur Aasra project. Excerpts from an interview:

How have people treated the families of militants after terrorism ended?

People started looking at us with suspicion and hatred. They blamed the terrorists and their families for the harassment by the police. They felt we women could have corrected our husbands. The behaviour of the in-laws was the worst. My parents cooperated with me. So I didn’t have many problems. Yes,I had financial difficulties,and worked for the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee. I did feel orphaned,worried and insecure.

Do you wish the bloody years had not happened?

I cannot regret those years. What has happened cannot be wished away. Today,I have two sons,six and five years. It is difficult to raise them alone. I would prefer not to discuss their whereabouts.

Does being the sons of Chheena affect them?

I have not told them anything. When they ask me,I tell them their father is in the village. How do I explain things to them? My children don’t know that their father was a militant though they know his real name. I don’t want them to know about him now. I just want them to become responsible citizens and that the society gives them the same respect and dignity as others get.

Any Akali faction with you?

No one is with us now,not even (Simranjeet Singh) Mann. He probably feels that if he speaks up for us,he will never win an election. It is a matter of politics. We do feel abandoned by the community.

How was the scene when your husband was around?

When the movement was on,we were all respected,especially if our intentions were clear. I was a proclaimed offender (PO) even before I got married. While in Khalsa College,Amritsar,I was annoyed at the attack on the Golden Temple. My links with the militant movement grew as did my desire for revenge. I was in the AISSF and then with the BTFK. I was involved in the murder of Comrade Hardev Singh,and was in jail for a year,in Amritsar. After marriage I became PO again and was arrested and later bailed out. In 1995,I was arrested in Gurdaspur,where there was a case against me. The police would have hounded every family I stayed with. So till January 1996 I was in jail and when I was released,I decided not to be a PO because I had children to raise. I decided to attend the court hearings and to work. I can’t say I returned to the mainstream,but can’t even say I have given up the movement…that is in my blood by now. It is another matter that I have decided not to lift a gun,but will fight politically. Now this itself is a fight to collect all these people under one roof. People ask us why we are here,and we tell them. That is also part of the fight.

What problems did you face in raising your sons?

It was very difficult to get birth certificates for my children. All of us women underground used to get admitted under fake names in hospitals. But I arranged it somehow. I cannot count how many children were born underground,but many were. Kulbir Kaur Dhami’s child was born in the jail. We also did not not tell the schools that the child’s father was a terrorist?

Any emotional disturbances among the children?

Plenty. Call any child and discuss it,and we will have a tough time consoling them. These kids have seen their fathers being dragged away by the hair. They often get up in the middle of their sleep,screaming “hai mere pappa ko maar diya”. They are all small kids who have seen raw violence. So we try not to remind them of it. Most of the small children have not been told that their fathers are dead. Now some of the older ones are learning from their elders. We cannot hide it for all times. They miss their fathers,but they are not old enough to realise that. They don’t know of terrorists. The elder ones have some idea,which they don’t want to talk about. Even if we want to talk to them,explain and correct the picture,they say that we are wrong…that they have seen their fathers fighting for dharam. Why then should we create a bad picture of our husbands in their minds?

Do the children know about Khalistan,what it was all about?

No. We will tell them clearly what it was all about when they grow up. If we tell them now,we don’t know how it will affect them. We want them to be involved in constructive work so that they forget their old trauma. We want them to study,play and be happy.

What Can You Do?

The Sikh widows and children left behind need us. The Singhs that died did their part and it’s now up to us to do ours. We must make sure that those left behind are not suffering and living in poverty.

The best thing we can do is to visit these families and help them in the way they need it most. Establishing contact with them directly.

If you don’t know of any way to do this,helping institutions that support these families is also a good option. Two institutions that are doing this are the Dharam Singh Khalsa Trust and GurAsra Trust. Their links are http://www.khalsatrust.com/ and http://www.guraasra.com or http://www.guraasra.org/ . Please support them in their mission.

Our Brothers and sisters need us now. We have let them down for much too long as it is.

BREAKING:New proof shows that High Ranking Sikh Army Officers were killed in 1984 Sikh Genocide

BREAKING:New proof shows that High Ranking Sikh Army Officers were killed in 1984 Sikh Genocide

Chandigarh:December 17,2012

All India Sikhs Students Federation (AISSF) and “Sikhs for Justice” (SFJ) has unearthed the “Murder Fields” at Tughlakabad and Nangloi where dozens of Sikhs belonging to Armed Forces were butchered to death during November 1984. The high Ranking officers &junior Ranks those who fell victims to the mayhem unleashed against serving Sikh defence personnel at Tughlakabad and Nangloi Railways Stations is a National Shame say the organizations.

AISSF,SFJ And All India Defence Brotherhood (Punjab) released the services particulars and other relevant details of the armed forces personnel killed in November 1984 at death traps laid at Tughlakabad and Nangloi. The documents obtained by AISSF reveals a single FIR Number 355 dated November 1,1984 lodged under sections 147,148,201,302,and 295 of the IPC lodged with Government Railway Police (GRP) Delhi. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) responsible for law and order at the Railway property not only failed to protect these Sikh Army Officers,but rather it is believed their weapons were instead used to kill the Sikh victims at Tughlakabad and Nangloi Railway Stations.

Pointing to the criminal silence by the Armed Forces for the past 28 years over the murder of its high ranking officers,AISSF President &Brigadier Kahlon have demanded the Ministry of Defence take immediate action in the prosecution of the culprits an leaders which masterminded the planned slaughter of Sikh army men during November 1984.

Brigadier Kahlon while speaking at a Press Conference stated that the Defence community in particular and the country as a whole would like to know from the Chiefs of Army Navy and Air Force what action was taken in response to these killings and what will now be done as a result of the revelation of these brutal killings of its own members,with use of their own weaponry and men.

Brigadier kahlon and other leaders have also demanded an immediate constitution of judicial commission so that the truth may come out and action be taken against the butchers involved in the killing as serving members of the the national army and armed forces.

AISSF has demanded a debate in the Parliament to determine why the slaughters broad day light of the nations defenders were completely ignored and no action has ever been taken against the perpetrators. The ruthless murder of high ranking Sikh Army Officers at Tughlakabad and Nangloi in the presence of Railway Police during November 1984 also proves the connivance of police and entire administration of the country in genocidal attacks on Sikhs stated Peer Mohammad.

Amongst those killed in the Massacres killed:

  • Lt. Col. A.S. Anand (74 ArmouredRegiment),
  • Major Sukhwinder Singh (150 Field Regiment),
  • Captain IPS Bindra (63 Cavalry),
  • Captain UPSJassal (9 Assam Battalion),
  • Captain Partap Singh (Ordinance Corps),
  • Lieutenant SS Gill (89 ArmouredRegiment)
  • Flight Lieutenant Harinder Singh,

The press conference held by SFJ and AISSF was attended

  • Lef.. J. Kartar Singh Gill,
  • Brigadier HarwantSingh National President AIDB ,
  • Brigadier Navab Singh,Major S.S. Dhillon,
  • Major Karnail Singh ,
  • Suba Singh Hony F/O Harcharan Singh Gill ,
  • Hony F/O Mamohan Singh All Retd.

Extreme Human Rights Abuses by Indian Army

January 10, 2013

By S.O.S Kashmir

The rape in Delhi has shocked India. Has it really? Or was it the sight of thousands of young students, male and female, demonstrating on the streets and being assaulted by the police for daring to demonstrate that made some Indian citizens think seriously about the problem? As for the Congress government that has, like most of the opposition parties, tolerated this for decades, it was the bad publicity abroad that finally did the trick, but only as far as this case is concerned.

Rape takes place in police stations, in military barracks, in the streets and occasionally in some provincial parliaments. The feminist Communist parliamentarian Brinda Karat, who has long campaigned on the issue, pointed to the assault of a member of the Trinamool assembly by a male oppositionist on 11 December last year. ‘Women were not safe even inside the assembly,’ she said.

Legal activists in Kashmir and Manipur, occupied by the Indian Army, have produced report after report highlighting cases of women raped by soldiers. Response from the top brass: nil. In a country where the culture of rape is so embedded, only a determined effort on every level can change things. This will not happen if this case and others are forgotten.

In 2004, a group of middle-aged mothers were so enraged by the military raping their daughters and sisters that they organised a protest unique in the annals of the women’s movement. They gathered outside the Indian Army barracks, stripped, and held up a banner that read ‘Indian Army Rape Us.’ That image, too, shocked India, but nothing changed. Only a few weeks later another rape scandal erupted in Manipur. If the Indian state is incapable of defending its women, perhaps the world’s largest democracy should seriously consider a change of name. Rapeistan comes to mind.

Manipur District Map

I. Summary

It takes us a long time to raise our children. Then, when they grow up, they are shot. This cannot go on. We no longer want to look for our children in the morgue.

-Yumlembam Mema, women’s rights activist in Manipur

A woman is arrested at her home at night. The authorities provide her family a signed document acknowledging her arrest. The next morning, villagers find her bullet-ridden corpse some four kilometers away from her home. There are widespread protests following the woman’s death. Promises are made by the highest authorities of the country, and yet, after four years, justice remains undone. No one is punished for this crime.

This is the story of Thangjam Manorama Devi, a 32-year-old resident of India’s Manipur state. The paramilitary Assam Rifles suspected her of links to an underground separatist group and detained her on July 11, 2004. The soldiers raided her home in Bamon Kampu village a little after midnight, asking the family to wait outside while they questioned her. They then signed an “arrest memo,” an official acknowledgement of detention put in place to prevent “disappearances” and took her away. Her body was found outside a nearby village. She had been shot through the lower half of her body, raising suspicion that bullets had been used to hide evidence of rape.

Human rights violations by security forces engaged in counter-insurgency operations in Manipur state have occurred with depressing regularity over the last five decades. Separatist militants have also committed widespread human rights abuses. According to the police, nearly 3,000 civilians have died in the conflict since 1990. At least 1,300 militants and nearly 1,000 members of the security forces have also been killed. According to unofficial sources, at least 20,000 people may have died due to violence since the conflict began in the 1950s. But Manipur, a small state of two million people, is tucked away in the country’s remote northeastern region. Not much that happens there makes the national news-unless it is a particularly brutal attack by militants.

However, the security forces’ clear role in Manaroma’s killing captured widespread media attention. Protests erupted in Manipur, while domestic and international human rights groups demanded an immediate investigation and the prosecution of those responsible. Concerned that the government would fail to hold soldiers accountable for the killing, as had repeatedly been the case in the past, for several weeks Manipuris took to the streets. Students, lawyers, traders, mothers, journalists, and human rights activists marched every day, demanding justice. One man committed self-immolation in protest, several others attempted suicide.

The paramilitary Assam Rifles claimed that Manorama was shot dead while trying to escape. In later affidavits, the soldiers implicated said that she was helping the army locate another militant when she instead tried to escape. It is a difficult account to accept: an unarmed, handcuffed woman, wearing the tightly-bound Manipuri sarong that does not lend itself to big strides, supposedly managed to escape the custody of an armed escort. And if she did, it does not explain why the soldiers were unable to catch her and had to shoot to kill. There has also been no explanation why Manorama had not been handed over to police custody by the arresting officials of the Assam Rifles, as the law requires. Or why no female official had been brought in at the time of this night arrest, as is the rule.

Soldiers were able to arrest Manorama because they are empowered to do so under India’s Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), the 1958 emergency law under which the armed forces are deployed in internal conflicts and enjoy broad powers to arrest, search, and shoot to kill. This 50-year-old law also provides security forces immunity from prosecution and has thus protected members of the Assam Rifles-as well as soldiers in Jammu and Kashmir, and other states in India’s northeast-responsible for killings such as Manorama’s from being brought before a civilian judge to be prosecuted for murder and other offenses.

Manipuris have long campaigned for the repeal of the AFSPA. Demanding that the act be scrapped, human rights activist Irom Chanu Sharmila has been on hunger strike for nearly eight years. Her protest began after Assam Rifles gunned down ten civilians on November 2, 2000. She remains in judicially ordered custody, force-fed through a nasal tube.


Sharmila has been on hunger strike to demand a repeal of the AFSPA since November 2000. © 2007 AFP/Getty Images

After Manorama’s killing, 32 organizations formed a network called Apunba Lup in a campaign to repeal the AFSPA. The most heart-wrenching protest was by a group of Manipuri women, members of the Meira Paibi (“torch bearers”), who on July 15, 2004 stripped naked in front of the Assam Rifles camp in the state capital, Imphal, wrapped in a banner that said, “Indian Army Rape Us.”

Forced to respond, the state government of Manipur ordered a judicial enquiry by retired district judge C. Upendra Singh. Judge Upendra Singh submitted his report in November 2004. Almost four years later, the report is yet to be made public. As court proceedings continue, no action has been taken.


Women protest the killing and alleged rape of Thangjam Manorama Devi with a banner reading “Indian Army Rape Us” at the army headquarters in Imphal in July 2004. © 2004 AFP/Getty Images

Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh meanwhile promised justice in the Manorama case and a review of the AFSPA. In November 2004, he set up a committee headed by B.P. Jeevan Reddy, a retired judge of the Supreme Court. The report was submitted in June 2005. While the Jeevan Reddy committee report has also not been made public, the contents were leaked, and it is now known that the committee recommended repeal of the AFSPA. The report however remains with the cabinet in New Delhi for consideration, and no action has been taken.

In the Manorama case, Assam Rifles said that it ordered an internal inquiry. The army and paramilitaries never reveal the findings of internal inquiries, and thus it remains unknown if any member of the Assam Rifles was found responsible for Manorama’s killing and whether they were appropriately punished. Making a concession to public outrage, the defense ministry did release a statement on July 28, 2004 saying only that the court of inquiry had found some “lapses” by Assam Rifles personnel. In an interview with Human Rights Watch, a spokesman for the Assam Rifles said he could not say what action was taken by the court of inquiry “because the concerned officials from that time are no longer in Manipur and the records are not available.”

Meanwhile, Manorama’s family is still waiting for justice to be done. It may be a long wait. Political leaders and government officials may privately agree that Manorama’s killing was unlawful, but the Indian state has failed, yet again, to hold soldiers responsible for a serious human rights violation accountable.


Shrine in memory of Thangjam Manorama Devi outside her house. © 2008 Human Rights Watch

Continuing Security Force Abuses

After Manorama’s death, the security forces appeared to curtail their human rights violations. This did not last long. Since 2006, extrajudicial killings, torture, and other abuses have once again become common practice. According to Human Rights Alert, an Imphal-based voluntary group, in 2006 there were 17 cases in which security forces allegedly extrajudicially executed civilians; in 2007, 12 cases were documented by the group; and as of July 2008, at least 23 such cases had been listed.

For this report, Human Rights Watch investigated several cases of alleged extrajudicial killings committed by the security forces since 2006. In one case, Mohammad Ayub Khan and six others, traveling in a van, were stopped during a routine check by the 19th Assam Rifles on August 26, 2007 at Gwaltabi in Ukhrul district. The soldiers found that Ayub Khan, a mason, was carrying a large sum of money. He explained that this was cash to pay his workers. The soldiers insisted that the van, with all its passengers, be driven to the Assam Rifles camp at Litan. At the camp, Ayub Khan was separated from his co-passengers, who were released. When Ayub Khan’s family heard of the detention, they went to the camp but were not allowed to enter. His brother filed a missing person complaint at the Litan police station, saying that Ayub Khan was last seen in the custody of the 19th Assam Rifles.

On August 30, 2007, the Litan police contacted the family. They said that the Assam Rifles had informed the police that a person had been killed in an armed encounter. They suggested that the family check to see if the unidentified person was their missing relative. The family identified the person as Ayub Khan. The Assam Rifles issued a statement claiming that a suspected militant had been shot in an armed exchange and weapons had been recovered from him. Ayub Khan’s father, Mohammad Karimuddin, told Human Rights Watch that the Assam Rifles are lying:

How can there be an armed encounter with someone who is already in custody? There are witnesses who saw my son being detained. If they [Assam Rifles] thought my son was a militant, they could have arrested him. But they only wanted his money and did not want the truth to come out. So they killed him. They know that no one questions the army in Manipur.

Police Abuses

The behavior of the army appears to have encouraged the Manipur state police to act similarly. The culture of violence has become so deep-rooted that the police have in recent years committed the same abuses as the army and paramilitary forces. In several of the recent cases documented by Human Rights Watch, the alleged perpetrators belonged to the Manipur police. The Manipur state police chief, Yumnam Joykumar Singh, told Human Rights Watch: “My people have been told not to commit human rights abuses and none has occurred.” However, in the same conversation claiming that many of the militants were not political fighters but petty extortionists, he also said, “I have told my people. These fellows must be eliminated. Nothing else can cure us of this disease.”

The message to eliminate militants seems to have resonated with the police. Human Rights Watch was repeatedly told that police commandos were among the worst human rights violators in Manipur. Leitanthem Premananda was picked up on January 30, 2006 and, according to relatives, executed later that same day. Together with their neighbors and friends, the relatives formed an action committee to protest the killing; the police threatened retribution. On February 10, 2006, two leaders of the protest committee, Pechimayum Yaima Singh and Leikapokpam Bisashini, were arrested by the Manipur police. Pechimayum Yaima Singh remained in custody for two months. “My family was very worried,” he said. “Finally, we were released. But we had to promise that we stop the protests, and were threatened that we would be arrested again if we followed up on this case.”

Abujam Shidam, a well-known member of the opposition Manipur People’s Party, was arrested on January 7, 2008. While in custody, he says he was tortured by police commandos claiming to be members of a joint interrogation cell.

I was blindfolded. They started beating and kicking me, saying that I must admit I was a member of the PLA [militant group called People’s Liberation Army]. They filled buckets of water and poured it on my face. They pressed on my joints with their boots. I kept shouting that I was not a militant, but they would not stop.

While the legal impunity under the AFSPA does not formally extend to the state police, police commandos now routinely get away with serious crimes including torture, and fake “encounter killings.” As one activist described it to Human Rights Watch, “The long-term pernicious influence of the AFSPA on Manipur society is its trickle-down effect. One can argue that the rampant corruption in civil administration is a fallout of the climate of impunity generated for many decades by AFSPA in Manipur.”

Armed Groups

Indian officials and many Manipuris point out that the armed groups, commonly called “UGs” (short for “underground”), also commit serious human rights abuses. Some of these groups have a tremendous hold over Manipuri society, with ordinary citizens forced to build alliances with one group to ensure protection from the rest. Many impose a variety of diktats, including a ban on some television channels, on women wearing western clothes, the use of drugs, tobacco, or alcohol and implement such orders with force. Some groups have been responsible for attacks on ethnic minorities. For example, in March 2008, militants killed 14 migrant laborers from other Indian states and left behind a note warning others to leave Manipur. In January 2006, armed cadres belonging to United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and Kangleipak Community Party (KCP) allegedly raped 21 Hmar tribal girls in Manipur’s Churachandpur district. Militants have also been responsible for the indiscriminate use of landmines, bombs, political killings, and attacks upon those they consider to be informers or traitors.

Manipuris complain most about militant groups’ culture of extortion. The state is unable to provide protection from these extortion demands-in fact, many government officials pay themselves. Recently, there has been a spate of abductions by militant groups to recruit children into armed groups involved in fighting. At least 24 school children were reported missing in June and July 2008, leading to widespread protests. One faction of the militant group People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) admitted that that they had recruited some of the missing children.


Protest against attack by militants in Imphal, the capital of Manipur. © 2008 Human Rights Watch

Impunity

Manipuri activists do not dispute the need for strong law enforcement to end the violence perpetrated by militants. Some want the army to remain deployed to combat the UGs, while others want the army withdrawn. But all want the AFSPA to be repealed because of the open license it provides for abuses.

More fundamentally, Manipuris want the culture of impunity to end. Not only has the failure to punish Manorama’s killers shattered any existing faith in the justice system, many Manipuris feel it has also emboldened security officials to take the law into their own hands and to believe they can get away with murder. As one government official admitted to Human Rights Watch, “Known criminals are sometimes killed, but it never happens to innocents.” In this way the security forces have become judge, jury, and executioner-and have become comfortable in adopting this role.

The more or less free rein given to government forces for decades in Manipur and other parts of the northeast has had a significant impact on the country generally. Similar polcies have since been adopted to stamp out armed separatist movements in various other parts of India. Some argue that this is the only way to ensure that separatists who they “know” are guilty do not evade justice. But in the world’s largest democracy, many in the security forces appear to believe it is easier to kill suspects than to gather evidence to secure convictions, while others kill for money or promotions, as they are often rewarded for their actions.

The Indian government, while claiming a firm commitment to the protection of human rights, has consistently ignored violations by its security forces, at best attributing such acts to a few “bad apples.” As this report demonstrates, however, the problems are systemic and require systemic changes in law, policy, and practice. And even assuming the problem is “bad apples,” they are rarely investigated, let alone tried and convicted. This culture of impunity, fostered both by a lack of political will and by laws shielding the perpetrators, has led to an atmosphere where security forces believe they can get away with the most serious crimes without the threat of punishment.

Not only has the Indian government disregarded the demands of Manipuris and the findings of its own government-appointed committees, it has ignored concerns and recommendations by United Nations human rights bodies. For example, in 1997 the UN Human Rights Committee said that the continued use of the AFSPA in Manipur was tantamount to using emergency powers and recommended that the application of these powers be monitored to ensure compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

The UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, Philip Alston, reported to the UN Human Rights Council in 2007 that despite the government of Manipur ordering “numerous inquiries into the alleged extrajudicial executions, none of them ultimately reached any meaningful conclusions.” In 2007 the Committee on the International Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination called for India to repeal the AFSPA and to replace it “by a more humane Act” in accordance with the recommendation contained in the leaked Jeevan Reddy committee report. The Committee on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in February 2007 urged India to provide information on the steps being taken to abolish or reform the AFSPA and to ensure serious investigations and prosecutions of acts of violence against women by the military in so-called disturbed areas.

Key Recommendations

  • The government of India, the state government of Manipur, and all militant groups should place human rights protection mechanisms at the center of any attempt to resolve the conflict and ensure compliance with international human rights and humanitarian law.
  • The government of India should repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 as recommended by the government-appointed Jeevan Reddy committee.
  • The government of India and the state government of Manipur should investigate and prosecute government officials, including members of the armed forces, police, and paramilitary, responsible for human rights violations.
  • The government of India should arrest and prosecute to the fullest extent of the law all those found responsible for the 2004 murder of Thangjam Manorama Devi.
  • Armed groups should publicly denounce abuses committed by any militant group and ensure that there is appropriate accountability for such abuses.
  • Armed groups should immediately stop the abduction and recruitment of children into their forces.

Methodology

In early 2008, Human Rights Watch travelled to Manipur to investigate the human rights situation. With the assistance of human rights activists and lawyers, we investigated 18 cases of torture and extrajudicial killing since 2006. We interviewed government officials, army officers, police officials, politicians, lawyers, journalists, and human rights defenders. We conducted over 60 interviews in Manipur and supplemented with follow-up research through August 2008.

For Manorama’s case, we met with Manorama’s family, the lawyers who are pursuing her case, and Judge Upendra Singh, who conducted an investigation into the incident.

Most interviews with victims or their families were conducted privately. In some cases we used local NGO partners as translators. We also held group discussions with some activists, such as the members of the Meira Paibi.

Since there is an ongoing dialogue between the government and some of the groups operating in the hill districts of Manipur, counter-insurgency operations have reduced in scale. Most of the operations are in the Manipur valley to contain the Meitei and Muslim groups. Our investigations were thus limited to the valley areas.

In order to protect victims and others who might face reprisals by either side for speaking about them, names and any information that might identify them, such as places where interviews were held or specific dates of those meetings, have in certain cases been withheld.